第四集2021-06-25

改革開放,關鍵抉擇

1978年12月中共十一屆三中全會召開,正式拉開了改革開放的大幕。

此后40多年的實踐證明,改革開放是決定中國當代命運的關鍵一招。

中國的改革首先從農(nóng)村開始的。

1978年,安徽省滁州市鳳陽縣小崗村,正值大旱。

為了填飽肚子,村里的生產(chǎn)隊隊長嚴俊昌召集了18戶戶主圍坐在煤油燈前,秘密商討分田單干。

在一張皺巴巴的字據(jù)上,18位農(nóng)民按下了充滿悲壯意味的鮮紅手印。

這份“生死契約”內(nèi)容非常簡單:“我們分田到戶,每戶戶主簽字蓋章。

如以后能干,每戶保證完成每戶的全年上交和公糧,不在(再)向國家伸手要錢要糧。

如不成,我們干部作(坐)牢剎(殺)頭也干(甘)心,大家社員也保證把我們的小孩養(yǎng)活到十八歲。”

由于當時氣氛緊張,這份具有歷史意義的“生死契約”寫得歪歪扭扭,而且還有錯別字。

18位農(nóng)民沒有想到,他們被饑餓逼迫而成的這份“生死契約”竟無意間成了中國農(nóng)村改革的宣言書。

不久,中國農(nóng)村改革的大幕在全國拉開。

家庭聯(lián)產(chǎn)承包責任制在全國普遍推開。

實踐證明,家庭聯(lián)產(chǎn)承包責任制的實行,使中國廣大農(nóng)民獲得了充分的經(jīng)營自主權(quán),極大地調(diào)動了農(nóng)民的積極性,發(fā)展了農(nóng)村生產(chǎn)力。

1965年美國人均GDP是中國的41倍,到1978年,美國人均GDP(9687美元)達到了中國(127美元)的76倍,并且差距還在不斷拉大。

歐洲國家已經(jīng)形成了高速公路網(wǎng),而中國連一條高速公路也沒有;在法國,馬賽的索爾梅爾鋼廠年產(chǎn)350萬噸鋼僅用7000名左右的工人,對比之下武漢鋼鐵生產(chǎn)230萬噸需要近67000名工人。

中西差距之大可見一斑!

面對這種情況,通過一系列的考察調(diào)研、商討后,中共中央決定打開國門搞建設。

1979年7月,中共中央和國務院根據(jù)廣東、福建兩省靠近港澳、華僑眾多的有利條件,決定對兩省的對外經(jīng)濟活動實行特殊政策和優(yōu)惠措施。

1980年5月,又決定在廣東的深圳、珠海、汕頭和福建的廈門設置經(jīng)濟特區(qū)。

隨后的幾年時間里,又陸續(xù)決定開放大連、秦皇島、天津、煙臺等14個沿海港口城市和分兩步開放長江三角洲、珠江三角洲、閩南廈漳泉三角地區(qū)、遼東半島、膠東半島,并設立海南省、建立海南經(jīng)濟特區(qū)。

但就在國家發(fā)展的緊要關頭,一些人卻對改革開放提出了姓“社”還是姓“資”的疑問,對黨的基本路線產(chǎn)生了動搖。

這樣一種認識,嚴重妨礙改革開放的深化,特別是對市場經(jīng)濟的嚴厲批評,更是讓人擔憂有走回頭路的危險。

在此關鍵時刻,1992年初,鄧小平視察南方,發(fā)表重要談話,深刻回答了長期困擾和束縛人民思想的許多重大認識問題。

強調(diào)基本路線動搖不得,計劃和市場都是手段,提出社會主義的本質(zhì)是通過解放生產(chǎn)力和發(fā)展生產(chǎn)力最終達到共同富裕,要抓住時機發(fā)展自己。

1992年10月,中國共產(chǎn)黨第十四次全國代表大會召開。大會確立建設有中國特色社會主義的理論在全黨的指導地位,明確中國經(jīng)濟體制改革的目標是建立社會主義市場經(jīng)濟體制,并要求全黨抓住機遇、加快發(fā)展,集中精力把經(jīng)濟建設搞上去。

以鄧小平南方談話和黨的十四大為標志,中國社會主義改革開放和社會主義現(xiàn)代化建設事業(yè)進入新的發(fā)展階段。

方向決定道路,道路決定命運。

改革開放以來,中國共產(chǎn)黨領導中國人民取得的根本成就,正是在于開創(chuàng)和發(fā)展了中國特色社會主義。

2013年,中共中央總書記習近平曾指出,中國特色社會主義這條道路來之不易。“它是在改革開放30多年的偉大實踐中走出來的,是在中華人民共和國成立60多年的持續(xù)探索中走出來的,是在對近代以來170多年中華民族發(fā)展歷程的深刻總結(jié)中走出來的,是在對中華民族5000多年悠久文明的傳承中走出來的,具有深厚的歷史淵源和廣泛的現(xiàn)實基礎?!?/p>

現(xiàn)在,最關鍵的是堅定不移走這條道路、與時俱進拓展這條道路,推動中國特色社會主義道路越走越寬廣。

 


Reform and Opening-up,a Brilliant Stroke.

 

In December 1978, the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) was held, ushering in the historic policy of reform and opening up. 

It has been proved over the following 40-plus years that reform and opening up is a vital step to seal the destiny of contemporary China.

The reform firstly started from the countryside.

In 1978, Xiaogang Village (in Fengyang County, Chuzhou City, Anhui Province) suffered a severe drought.

To go through it, Yan Junchang, the leader of the village's production team, called together 18 householders to sit around a kerosene lamp and hold secret discussions on dividing the farmland among themselves.

The 18 farmers put their fingerprints in red ink on a crumpled written agreement.

The content of this contract was very simple.It read,“We allot farmland to households under contract.Each householder must give their signature or fingerprint here.

If it works, each household must ensure the fulfillment of contracted grain to the state and promise not to ask for assistance from the government for grain and money.

If we fail, we —the village leaders —are ready to be put in jail and other commune members pledge to take care of all of our children until they are 18 years old."

As these farmers were scared and heavy-hearted, this historic contract was written in a scrawled way. There were even some wrongly written characters. 

They did not expect that this contract made against the backdrop of hunger inadvertently became a manifesto of reform in rural areas.

Before long, China's rural reform kicked off nationwide.

The household contract responsibility system was widely introduced throughout the country. 

The practice has proved that the implementation of the contract responsibility system has enabled the broad masses of Chinese farmers to obtain the right to manage land, which greatly aroused their initiative and developed rural productivity.

The per capita GDP of the United States was 41 times that of China in 1965, and reached 76 times that of China (US$127) in 1978. The gap was still widening.

European countries had established their highway networks, while in China there was no highway at all; in Marseille of France, the annual output of 3.5 million metric tons of steel at the Salmer steel plant only required about 7,000 workers, while nearly 67,000 workers just produced 2.3 million metric tons in the Wuhan iron and steel plant.

What a huge gap between China and the West!

Based on a series of investigations and discussions, the CPC Central Committee decided to open up to the world for better development.

In July 1979, the CPC Central Committee and the State Council decided to implement special policies and preferential measures to facilitate foreign economic activities in Guangdong and Fujian provinces, based on the favorable conditions that both provinces were adjacent to Hong Kong and Macao, and had a large number of overseas Chinese.

In May 1980, China planned to set up special economic zones in Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Shantou in Guangdong Province and Xiamen in Fujian Province.

In the following years, China opened up 14 coastal cities such as Dalian, Qinhuangdao, Tianjin and Yantai, opened up in two steps the Yangtze River Delta, Pearl River Delta, Xiamen-Zhangzhou-Quanzhou Triangle in southern Fujian, Liaodong Peninsula and Jiaodong Peninsula,set up Hainan Province and established the Hainan Special Economic Zone.

However, at the critical moment of national development, some people questioned whether the reform and opening up should be surnamed socialism or capitalism, and began to waver in their adherence to the Party's basic line. 

Such a misunderstanding seriously hindered the deepening of reform and opening up. Especially the severe criticism of the market economy made people worry about the danger of turning back to old approaches.

At this crucial moment, Deng Xiaoping visited southern China and delivered important speeches in early 1992, answering many questions that had long plagued people. 

He stressed that we should not waver in our adherence to the basic line, and that planning and market forces are both means of controlling economic activities. He proposed that the essence of socialism is to achieve common prosperity by liberating and developing productive forces, and we should seize the opportunity to improve ourselves .

In October 1992, the 14th National Congress of the CPC was held. The Congress established the guiding position of the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, made it clear that the goal of China's economic system reform is to build a socialist market economic system, and required the whole Party to seize the opportunity, accelerate development, and concentrate on economic construction.

Marked by Deng Xiaoping's talks during his southern tour and the 14th National Congress of the CPC, China's reform and opening up as well as socialist modernization has since entered a new phase of development.

The direction determines the path, and the path determines the future. 

Since the reform and opening up, the Chinese people have made fundamental achievements under the leadership of the CPC, that is, creating and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, said in 2013 that the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics has not come easily. "It has been forged through more than 30 years of reform and opening up, through more than 60 years of continuous exploration since the founding of the People's Republic of China, through the profound summary of more than 170 years of development of the Chinese nation in modern times, and through the inheritance of the over 5,000-year-oldChinese civilization. It has a profound historical origin and an extensive practical foundation."

Now, what matters most is to unswervingly follow this path, keep pace with the times to expand this path, and continue to open up the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

 

《紅星何以照耀中國》 / 中國網(wǎng)出品

出品人 / 王曉輝    

總監(jiān)制 / 楊新華    

總策劃 / 蔡曉娟   

執(zhí)行策劃 / 蔣新宇

專家顧問 / 陳述 中共中央黨校教授    陳中奎 中國人民解放軍國防大學副教授

導演 / 仇俊博    

編導 / 申罡  時暢  郭澤涵  魯波  孔竟?jié)?/strong>

設計 / 顧榕楠

制作 / 馬躍

翻譯 / 汪瑋  李秀宇

攝影 / 陶世欣  毛歡東

后期 / 于舜源  傅華洋

 

專家團隊
  • 王洪波

    首都師范大學馬克思主義學院副院長、教授
  • 王海濱

    中央黨校馬克思主義學院副教授
  • 胡敏

    中央黨校(國家行政學院)研究員
  • 郭建寧

    清華大學馬克思主義學院教授
  • 韓慶祥

    中央黨校校務委員會原委員
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